{"id":123321,"date":"2025-10-10T11:33:00","date_gmt":"2025-10-10T09:33:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kosovotwopointzero.com\/partite-serbe-kthehen-ne-gare\/"},"modified":"2025-10-17T12:07:10","modified_gmt":"2025-10-17T10:07:10","slug":"serb-parties-return-to-the-race","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/serb-parties-return-to-the-race\/","title":{"rendered":"Serb Parties Return to the Race"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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After two years of boycotts and tensions, Serb parties are aiming to reclaim the northern municipalities.<\/b><\/h4>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t
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On October 2, the municipal institutions in North Mitrovica, <\/span>accompanied by the Kosovo Police, installed a new city sign<\/span><\/a> \u2014 removing the Cyrillic inscription \u201c\u0412\u043e\u043b\u0438\u043c \u041a\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0432\u0441\u043a\u0443 \u041c\u0438\u0442\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0438\u0446\u0443\u201d (In English: I love Kosovska Mitrovica), a monument that had stood there since 2020. The old sign was replaced with a new one in the Latin alphabet that simply reads \u201cMitrovica,\u201d without the words \u201cNorth\u201d or \u201cKosovska.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

The new sign, featuring a green heart instead of the red one that marked \u201cI lov<\/span>e,\u201d was installed under police supervision.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cThis new symbol is part of a new, more modern, more dignified image \u2014 one that represents the city we are building every day, a city for everyone,\u201d <\/span>wrote Erden Atiq<\/span><\/a>, the current mayor of North Mitrovica, on his Facebook page.<\/span><\/p>

However, the new message\u2019s inclusive image clashes with the<\/span> reality on the ground. Ever since the day of its installation, the Kosovo Police have not only had to protect the sign but have had to<\/span> guard and monitor it day and night to prevent any attempts at vandalism.<\/span><\/p>

Even though the new sign might seem harmless, it reflects everyday tensions in the Serb-majority northern municipalities \u2014 between the efforts of the Kosovo government and local institutions to extend soverei<\/span>gnty to the north<\/span> an<\/span>d the perception among local Serbs that the symbols of their identity are being erased. For Kosovo\u2019s local and central institutions, it is a symbolic assertion of state control; for many local Serbs, it is a marker of contested authority and fragile legitimacy, illustrated by the fact that police continue to guard the sign at all hours.<\/span><\/p>

Such events shape the main narratives of the local election campaign in the four northern municipalities: North Mitrovica, Zubin Potok, Zve\u010dan and Leposavi\u0107. Afte<\/span>r two years marked by boycotts, barricades and institutional vacuums, Serb parties have returned to the electoral process, promising a \u201creturn to institutions\u201d and representation through the ballot rather than blockades.<\/span><\/p>

In this political climate, the October 12 elections in the northern municipalities are not only about electing mayors or managing local budgets, but also about the Serb parties\u2019 ambition to reassert governance over these four Serb-majority municipalities and to restore Serbian identity in public spaces. While Srpska Lista is expected to make a strong comeback, this time it faces a group of opposition parties \u2014 some of which are attempting to challenge not only Kosovo\u2019s institutions but also Srpska Lista itself and Belgrade\u2019s influence.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Their shared rhetoric revolves around restoring local power, autonomy and dignity, though their strategies and political ties differ significantly.<\/span><\/p>

These are the first regular local elections since April 23, 2023, when extraordinary elections were held at the local level in the four Serb-majority municipalities. Those elections were largely boycotted by Serb voters, which resulted in the election of Albanian mayors \u2014 including Atiq, a Bosniak, in North Mitrovica.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t

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North Mitrovica: Ten candidates in the race<\/b><\/p>

A total of ten candidates are running for mayor in North Mitrovica. Among them are former mayor Milan Radojevi\u0107 from the Srpska Lista and Aleksandar Arsenijevi\u0107, leader of the Serbian Democratic Party (Srpska Demokratija), who is currently outside Kosovo due to charges of illegal possession of weapons \u2014 charges that he and his party claim are fabricated and politically motivated. Also in the race is Marko Jak\u0161i\u0107 from the Civic Initiative \u201cSever za sve\u201d (North for All), known for his activism and as a former associate of the late politician Oliver Ivanovi\u0107.<\/span><\/p>

Other candidates include the incumbent mayor, Erden Atiq from Vet\u00ebvendosje (VV), and his deputy, Katarina A\u0111an\u010di\u0107, who is running as an independent this time. The race also features Branko Veselinovi\u0107 from the Serbian People\u2019s Movement (Srpski Narodni Pokret), Nenad Vukmirovi\u0107 from Nenad Ra\u0161i\u0107\u2019s For Freedom, Justice and Survival Party, and Neboj\u0161a Mili\u0107 from \u201cNew Face \u2013 People\u2019s Justice\u201d (Novo lice \u2013 Narodna pravda), a new initiative formed through the merger of an opposition movement in Serbia with a local initiative in Kosovo.<\/span><\/p>

Two Albanian candidates are also competing in this election: Betim Osmani from the Civic Initiative \u201cMitrovica\u201d, and Flutura Hamza-Azemi from the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK).<\/span><\/p>

Zve\u010dan: Five candidates in the race<\/b><\/p>

In Zve\u010dan, the Srpska Lista has nominated Dragi\u0161a Milovi\u0107, a former mayor, while the Serbian Democratic Party (Srpska Demokratija) has nominated Zoran Obrenovi\u0107. Also running is Sla\u0111ana Pantovi\u0107, a former deputy mayor who was appointed to that position during the mandate of the current mayor, Ilir Peci, by the PDK, but was later dismissed by him. The PDK has once again nominated Ilir Peci, while Fetah Peci is running from Vet\u00ebvendosje (VV).<\/span><\/p>

Zubin Potok: Nine candidates in the race<\/b><\/p>

In Zubin Potok, the Srpska Lista has nominated Milo\u0161 Perovi\u0107, while Stevan Vulovi\u0107, a former member of the list and former mayor, is this time running with the League of Kosovo (Kosovski savez).<\/span><\/p>

Other candidates include Mirjana Vla\u0161kovi\u0107 from the Serbian Democratic Party (Srpska Demokratija), Gordana Mihajlovi\u0107 from the For Freedom, Justice and Survival (Za slobodu, pravdu i opstanak) party, Milija Bi\u0161evac, leader of the Serbian People\u2019s Movement (Srpski Narodni Pokret), and Grozdan Bi\u0161evac from the \u201cNew Face \u2013 People\u2019s Justice\u201d (Novo lice \u2013 Narodna pravda) initiative.<\/span><\/p>

Also running in the race are Izmir Zeqiri from the PDK, the incumbent mayor, and Vedat Mehmeti from Vet\u00ebvendosje (VV).<\/span><\/p>

Leposavi\u0107: Seven candidates in the race<\/b><\/p>

In Leposavi\u0107, incumbent mayor Lulzim Hetemi from Vet\u00ebvendosje (VV) is seeking a second term, while former mayor Zoran Todi\u0107 from the Srpska Lista is attempting to return to office.<\/span><\/p>

Among the other contenders is Nenad Radosavljevi\u0107, director of Radio Televizija Mir and a seasoned politician who has competed in several local elections in the past. During Hetemi\u2019s mandate, he also served as Director of Culture, Youth and Sports in the municipality.<\/span><\/p>

The Serbian Democratic Party (Srpska Demokratija) has nominated Vladimir Radosavljevi\u0107, while Vesna Pantovi\u0107 is running under the For Freedom, Justice and Survival (Za slobodu, pravdu i opstanak) party. Journalist Ivan Vu\u010dkovi\u0107 is contesting the election with the new civic initiative \u201cKoreni \u2013 Ivan Vu\u010dkovi\u0107,\u201d and the PDK has nominated Shaqir Hetemi.<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t

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The contested legitimacy of non-Serb mayors<\/b><\/p>

The arrival of non-Serb mayors at the helm of these four municipalities was preceded by a chain of events that began in June 2022, when the Kosovo government implemented reciprocity measures requiring the re-registration of license plates issued by Serbia and the non-recognition of identification documents issued by Serbia within Kosovo\u2019s territory.<\/span><\/p>

These decisions triggered immediate reactions in the north, followed by the erection of barricades in Jarinje and B\u00ebrnjak, as well as sporadic clashes that culminated at the end of 2022 with the mass resignation of Serbs from central institutions, municipalities, the police and the judiciary. These resignations were instigated and coordinated by Srpska Lista, the dominant political force of Kosovo Serbs, which enjoys direct backing from the Serbian government. Through this move, Srpska Lista aimed to demonstrate that without its involvement, no institutional process in the north could operate effectively.<\/span><\/p>

The resignation of Serb mayors in these municipalities paved the way for extraordinary elections in April 2023, <\/span>which were boycotted by Srpska Lista and almost entirely by the Serb community<\/span><\/a>: only 3.5% of about 45,000 registered voters cast their ballots. The boycott, led by Srpska Lista and publicly supported by the Serbian government, sought to delegitimize the electoral process and reject any form of political representation outside its structures.<\/span><\/p>

As a result, in municipalities where Serbs make up the overwhelming majority, non-Serb mayors were elected \u2014 creating a deep disconnect between demographic reality and political outcome. When the newly elected mayors entered municipal buildings in May 2023, assisted by the Kosovo Police and KFOR, <\/span>violent protests erupted<\/span><\/a>, <\/span>drawing harsh international <\/span><\/a>reactions and calls for immediate de-escalation and for new inclusive elections. Furthermore, the European Union (EU) <\/span>imposed punitive measures<\/span><\/a> against Kosovo, including the suspension of funds, in response to what it described as a lack of cooperation by the Kosovo government in reducing tensions in the north. A year later, in April 2024, <\/span>a referendum was held<\/span><\/a> on the dismissal of the non-Serb mayors, but it also failed due to yet another boycott led by Srpska Lista.<\/span><\/p>

Thus, the non-Serb mayors continued to perform their duties, legally confirmed, but lacking political legitimacy in the eyes of the Serb majority population.<\/span><\/p>

Since then, tensions in these municipalities have been frequent, <\/span>culminating in the armed attack<\/span><\/a> on the Kosovo Police in Banjska in September 2023 by a group led by Milan Radoi\u010di\u0107, former vice-president of Srpska Lista, in which one Albanian police officer and three Serb attackers were killed.<\/span><\/p>

The fact that non-Serb mayors in the north are not perceived as representing the political will of local Serbs \u2014 within the broader history of institutional boycott, but also beyond Srpska Lista \u2014 has been clearly expressed through public episodes of opposition against them.<\/span><\/p>

The mayor of North Mitrovica, Erden Atiq, who is often seen moving around the city\u2019s public spaces, has, more than anyone else, been the target of such reactions. An incident in August of this year, during the \u201cMitrovica Jazz Days\u201d festival, best illustrates this tension. The organizers had moved the festival from South Mitrovica to North Mitrovica\u2019s promenade in an attempt to build bridges between communities through culture. But the moment Atiq appeared near the stage, dozens of Serb citizens began whistling and hurling insults at him. <\/span>The Kosovo Police arrested <\/span><\/a>two young men, sparking tensions between police officers and the gathered crowd. One was accused of verbal insults, while the other was held in custody on suspicion of issuing threats.<\/span><\/p>

In recent months, dissatisfaction with the mayors has only deepened. Since August, municipal institutions in the north have launched a campaign to erase Serbian murals and symbols \u2014 a process that culminated with the replacement of the \u201cKosovska Mitrovica\u201d inscription.<\/span><\/p>

Many of these murals had remained on city\u2019s walls for years, becoming part of the symbolic landscape of the Serbian community. <\/span>The campaign has been seen by some residents as an effort to erase elements of Serb identity from public spaces. <\/span><\/a>Such actions have also been criticized by Serb political representatives in the north, who described them as provocative and politically motivated.<\/span><\/p>

In some cases, the erased murals openly glorified war crimes and the Serbian nationalist ideology of the 1990s, an example is one mural dedicated to Ratko Mladi\u0107, responsible for the genocide in Srebrenica. For non-Serb citizens, other murals, which evoke memories of oppression by the Serbian state, represent key identity markers for Serbs \u2014 such as those dedicated to Patriarch Pavle and Metropolitan Amfilohije. The former, the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church during the 1990s, preached peace but never clearly distanced himself from the nationalist currents of the time. The latter, a powerful cleric in Montenegro and one of the most influential figures in the Serbian Orthodox Church, was an open supporter of the \u201cGreater Serbia\u201d ideology and the nationalist wars of the 1990s. Yet, for Serbs, both remain important spiritual and symbolic figures, which is why the removal of these murals is perceived as an attack on Serbian Orthodox identity, and a deliberate attempt to erase Serbian cultural symbols that hold weight in their collective memory,\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Before this campaign began, no public debate had taken place on the representation of symbols in public space, nor on the criteria that would determine their inclusion or exclusion. In some cases, municipal institutions even removed murals that were not inherently inflammatory. One example was the mural dedicated to the \u201cGolden Dolphins,\u201d Serbia\u2019s national water polo team, which won the Olympic gold medal in Rio in 2016.<\/span><\/p>

The local elections thus find Serbs in the north feeling more threatened and less represented, even by Kosovo\u2019s central institutions.<\/span><\/p>

Because the north has remained outside the effective control of Kosovo\u2019s institutions, over the years, the area has become fertile ground for the activities of armed groups and criminal networks. Since 2021, Prime Minister Kurti\u2019s government has made extending sovereignty to this part of the country, one of its top priorities, through the strengthening law and order \u2014 a process marked by frequent raids and police operations.<\/span><\/p>

The Kosovo government has also shut down most of the parallel Serbian institutions that had been financed by the Serbian government (with the exception of the education and healthcare systems), while also banning the use of the Serbian dinar.<\/span><\/p>

These actions have been accompanied by frequent protests from local Serb residents, who do not view the closure of these structures as a strengthening of law and order or institutional normalization, but rather as a threat to their security and well-being. For them, the parallel structures were not perceived as illegal, but as the only institutions that effectively functioned \u2014 providing salaries, social services, education and healthcare.<\/span><\/p>

Their importance was not diminished even after the 2013 Brussels Agreement, which aimed to include and integrate Serbs into Kosovo\u2019s state institutions, such as the police, judiciary and local administration. More recently, however, the opening of offices representing Kosovo state institutions \u2014 including a branch of Kosovo Post and several businesses owned by Albanians \u2014 has not been well received and is being boycotted by local Serbs.<\/span><\/p>

One of the factors that has deepened mistrust of the Kosovo government within the Serb community and heightened their sense of insecurity is the increased presence of the Kosovo Police, particularly Special Units, over the past two years. <\/span>According to reports<\/span><\/a> from civil society organizations operating in the north, the number of citizen complaints about excessive use of force by police units has risen. In several cases, local media have broadcast footage of young Serbs being arrested \u2014<\/span> events that have sparked strong public reactions<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>

Srpska Lista and the strategy of return<\/b><\/p>

In the absence of institutional representation for Serbs, and amid dissatisfaction with the centralized, non-dialogue approach through which Kosovo has sought to extend its sovereignty, new political narratives have emerged in the north. While all Serb parties have built their campaigns on this context, Srpska Lista has used it to deflect responsibility for its own political choices. For more than a decade, it has been the dominant force in local governance in the north, known for exerting pressure and intimidation on Serbs, as well as for orchestrating its own withdrawal from institutions.<\/span><\/p>

In reality, Srpska Lista\u2019s campaign offers no concrete vision for improving citizens\u2019 daily lives in the north, focusing instead almost entirely on harsh rhetoric against the Kosovo government and on restoring Serbian symbols and institutions.<\/span><\/p>

An election rally in Zubin Potok on October 1<\/span><\/a> best illustrated the party\u2019s prevailing discourse. During the rally, the list leader and former mayor, Sr\u0111an Vulovi\u0107, publicly admitted that Srpska Lista had made a mistake by withdrawing from Kosovo\u2019s institutions in 2022.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cA living man makes mistakes,\u201d he told supporters. \u201cBut now it is time to correct them,\u201d referring to the party\u2019s decision to participate in the October elections. According to Vulovi\u0107, the decision to abandon the institutions during the 2022 license plate crisis left the Serb community \u201cwithout jobs, without an economy and without influence.\u201d He also accused the international community of failing to provide support.<\/span><\/p>

His statement marked a rare admission of error, since the party had previously justified the boycott as a form of political resistance against Kosovo\u2019s institutions. In addition to the October local elections, Srpska Lista also returned to the Kosovo Assembly in the parliamentary elections held in February of this year.<\/span><\/p>

In the same speech, Vulovi\u0107 accused acting Prime Minister Kurti and Vet\u00ebvendosje (LVV) of \u201cattempting to expel the Serb people,\u201d calling participation in the elections \u201ca new Serbian uprising.\u201d He urged citizens to \u201cwin with the pen\u201d and to \u201cend the terror\u201d of the current Albanian-led administration in the north.<\/span><\/p>

The party\u2019s president, Zlatan Elek, echoed the same message, accusing Kurti of trying to dismantle Srpska Lista because of its close ties with Belgrade and Serbian President Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107. \u201cThe winner is already known \u2013 Srpska Lista,\u201d he declared, framing the race as a struggle for the political and cultural survival of Serbs in Kosovo.<\/span><\/p>

In Zubin Potok, the party\u2019s candidate for mayor, Milo\u0161 Perovi\u0107, called on residents to \u201cliberate the municipality\u201d from \u201cfake and imposed mayors,\u201d while other speakers emphasized dignity, unity, and resistance against the authorities in Prishtina.<\/span><\/p>

The tone of the rallies clearly outlines Srpska Lista\u2019s new strategy: acknowledging past mistakes and returning to institutions through the ballot box, positioning itself as the sole legitimate representative of Serbs in Kosovo. Meanwhile, Belgrade has openly supported this return. Serbian President Vu\u010di\u0107 has promised the creation <\/span>of 400 new jobs in the health sector <\/span><\/a>for Serbs in Kosovo, a move widely seen as part of a coordinated campaign to encourage voter turnout and reinforce loyalty to Srpska Lista.<\/span><\/p>

Against Srpska Lista and Belgrade<\/b><\/p>

In northern Kosovo, opposition candidates to Srpska Lista frame this election as a confrontation with the party\u2019s political monopoly and its long-standing loyalty to Belgrade. They present the October 12 vote as an opportunity to break away from that control and return decision-making power to the local level after more than a decade of one-party dominance. Despite their differences, their message is the same: a pledge to end the politics of intimidation and patronage, and to put power back into the hands of local citizens.<\/span><\/p>

Aleksandar Arsenijevi\u0107, the Democratic Serbian Party (Srpska Demokratija) candidate for mayor of North Mitrovica, portrays himself as a victim of \u201cpolitical expulsion\u201d by Kosovo\u2019s institutions. Arsenijevi\u0107 is currently outside Kosovo, facing charges of illegal weapons possession. <\/span>Speaking to northern media outlets such as Alternativna and Kontakt<\/span><\/a> Plus from an improvised camp near the Jarinje border crossing, he claimed the weapons found on a property linked to him were planted to silence him. He promised to return if elected mayor and <\/span>accused both Srpska Lista and Nenad Ra\u0161i\u0107\u2019s party of vote-buying<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>

Vladimir Radosavljevi\u0107, the Democratic Party of Serbia\u2019s candidate for mayor of Leposavic, <\/span>describes Srpska Lista<\/span><\/a> as \u201ca machine of persuasion and privilege.\u201d According to him, millions of euros from programs financed by Serbia have circulated within a narrow circle of politically connected people.<\/span><\/p>

Speaking about the biggest problems facing the citizens of Leposavic, Radosavljevi\u0107 says that ordinary families are barely surviving.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cFor five months in the summer we have no water, in the winter we have no electricity. We live among garbage, without cultural life and without events for young people. Young people are leaving, unemployment is high and many families live in poverty,\u201d he said.<\/span><\/p>

Milija Bi\u0161evac, the Serbian People\u2019s Movement (Srpski Narodni Pokret) candidate for mayor of Zubin Potok, was even harsher. He argued that Srpska Lista \u201cno longer stands alongside the people,\u201d accusing its officials of facing daily pressures, including threats to jobs, social benefits and public contracts. According to him, the 2022 decision to withdraw from Kosovo\u2019s institutions was \u201ca self-inflicted wound\u201d that left local communities \u201cwithout a state, without salaries and without functioning schools.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

Meanwhile, Ivan Vu\u010dkovi\u0107, journalist and leader of the civic initiative \u201cRoots\u201d (Koreni), <\/span>was even more blunt<\/span><\/a>: \u201cThey had twelve years. Everything they touched, they ruined.\u201d Neboj\u0161a Mili\u0107 of New Face \u2013 People\u2019s Justice (Novo Lice \u2013 Narodna Pravda) <\/span>presented his list<\/span><\/a> as the only truly independent alternative, stressing that its members \u201care not paid by Serbia\u201d and that some candidates have even faced threats to withdraw from the race.<\/span><\/p>

For the northern opposition parties, distancing themselves from Srpska Lista does not mean aligning politically with Kosovo\u2019s institutions. The same candidates who criticize Belgrade\u2019s influence are equally skeptical of the way Kosovo\u2019s institutions are exercising sovereignty in the north, insisting they do not want to be the tools of either side.<\/span><\/p>

Their main argument is that Kosovo\u2019s sovereignty in the north has been imposed by force, not built on trust. According to them, governance currently functions according to a model in which decisions are made for the north, but not with the north.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cWe are neither Kurti\u2019s Serbs nor Vu\u010di\u0107\u2019s Serbs. We are an option that wants to deal with the local problems of all citizens,\u201d Vu\u010dkovi\u0107 said.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cPrishtina must understand that it needs to talk to local Serbs. We are residents of this place, who have lived here for centuries; we are not foreigners,\u201d said Bi\u0161evac, referring to the need for Kosovo\u2019s government to open dialogue with the local Serb community.<\/span><\/p>

According to these candidates, the increased police presence, frequent raids and removal of Serbian symbols have brought not integration but anxiety and exclusion. Instead of feeling part of the institutions, many citizens see them as instruments of control rather than service.<\/span><\/p>

These parties are not calling for a continuation of the boycott but for a return of institutions through their proper functioning. Their campaigns are pragmatic and local, with emphasis on legality, transparency and the provision of public services. Candidates stress the need to reopen municipal counters and administrative services for citizens.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cOpen doors, not checkpoints,\u201d <\/span>said Marko Jak\u0161i\u0107<\/span><\/a>, leader of the civic initiative \u201cNorth for All\u201d (Sever za sve), in an interview with Alternativna and Kontakt Plus.<\/span><\/p>

Jak\u0161i\u0107, from North Mitrovica, speaks of a program called \u201cCity of the Future,\u201d which aims to modernize waste management, create youth employment and revive cultural life. In Zubin Potok, Bi\u0161evac calls for \u201crebuilding from scratch,\u201d focusing on the restoration of schools, the water supply network and frozen public-sector salaries dating back to 2022.<\/span><\/p>

These parties are also demanding a suspension and review of new administrative measures, a more predictable police presence and structured dialogue in which elected Serb mayors would negotiate directly with Kosovo\u2019s ministries \u2014 not solely through Belgrade.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t

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D\u00ebshironi t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetni gazetarin\u00eb ton\u00eb?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>

N\u00eb Kosovo 2.0, p\u00ebrpiqemi t\u00eb jemi shtyll\u00eb e gazetaris\u00eb s\u00eb pavarur e me cil\u00ebsi t\u00eb lart\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb ku \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb sfiduese t\u2019i mbash k\u00ebto standarde dhe ta ndjek\u00ebsh t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn dhe llogaridh\u00ebnien pa u frik\u00ebsuar. P\u00ebr ta siguruar pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme, po prezantojm\u00eb HIVE, modelin ton\u00eb t\u00eb ri t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit, i cili u ofron atyre q\u00eb e vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb gazetarin\u00eb ton\u00eb, mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb e b\u00ebhen pjes\u00eb e misionit ton\u00eb.<\/p>

An\u00ebtar\u00ebsohuni n\u00eb \u201cHIVE\u201d ose konsideroni nj\u00eb donacion. <\/em><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\tBasic<\/span>\n\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\tStandard<\/span>\n\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\tPremium<\/span>\n\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\tOne time donation<\/span>\n\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

After two years of boycotts and tensions, Serb parties are aiming to reclaim the northern municipalities. On October 2, the…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":89472,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[4],"tags":[96],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/123321"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=123321"}],"version-history":[{"count":14,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/123321\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":123393,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/123321\/revisions\/123393"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/89472"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=123321"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=123321"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.kosovotwopointzero.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=123321"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}